Sobran's -- The Real News of the Month April 2000 Volume 7, No. 4 Editor: Joe Sobran Publisher: Fran Griffin (Griffin Communications) Managing Editor: Ronald N. Neff Subscription Rates (print version): $19.98 for six months; $59.95 per year; $100 for 2 years. Trial subscription available for $19.95 (6 issues). E-mail subscriptions: $39.95 for 1 year ($25 with a 12-month subscription to the print edition); $65 for 2 years ($45 with a 2-year subscription to the print edition). Payment should be made to The Vere Company. Address: Sobran's, P.O. Box 1383, Vienna, VA 22183-1383 Fax: 703-281-6617 Publisher's Office: 703-255-2211 Foreign Subscriptions (print version only): Add $1.25 per issue for Canada and Mexico; all other foreign countries, add $1.75 per issue. Credit Card Orders: Call 1-800-493-3348. Allow 4-6 weeks for delivery of your first issue THE MOVING PICTURE Pages 1-2 John McCain ran a brilliant campaign against George W. Bush, but undid himself with the nasty temper for which he is hated by so many of his fellow Republicans in the Senate. Rumors of that temper, it turns out, were not exaggerated. Annoying conservatives as much as he attracted liberals, McCain finally "suspended" his campaign after losing California, New York, and other big states in the Super Tuesday primaries. But he promised to continue his "crusade" for "reform"; he pointedly refrained from pledging to support Bush; and he didn't even speak of the imperative of beating Al Gore. Something's up. * * * Will McCain run as a third-party candidate? Dick Morris, Bill Clinton's former strategist, thinks he should and argues that he could win the presidency, either on the Reform Party ticket or on his own. McCain says he won't take the third- party route, being a loyal Republican; but he didn't express any doubt that he could win if he ran independently. And I doubt that his ego, inflated by media adulation, could resist the temptation if he convinces himself that it's feasible. Then there's the Coriolanus factor: he's also bitter enough to do it for revenge on Bush and the conservatives. I agree with Morris, but I also think McCain's volatility would probably lead him into a fatal flake-out before November. * * * If McCain goes third party, it will be interesting to see whether his Zionist neoconservative boosters bolt the Republican Party to support him. McCain would be free to drop any pretense that he's conservative; would they want to take that step with him? * * * Ordinary conservatives will stick with Bush, of course. Their battle cry is, as ever, "Let's support the lesser evil! We're realists! We've got nowhere else to go!" And they will wind up, as ever, gaining nothing. Backing the "lesser evil" means only delaying defeat. It never means victory. A string of "lesser evils" going back to Richard Nixon has only resulted in entrenched tyranny. Liberals haven't had to settle for lesser evils, so they've gotten what they want from the Democrats. Where is it written that a surrendering conservative is better than a conquering liberal? * * * Al Gore is planning to make a big issue of Bush's visit to Bob Jones University. Bush could easily counter by making an issue of Gore's cuddling with New York's premier racial demagogue, Al Sharpton, in whom life surpasses Tom Wolfe's satiric imagination. But it's probably safe to assume that Bush will let Gore keep him on the defensive until election day. Being a Republican means constantly having to say you're sorry. * * * Speaking of Bob Jones University, *of course* it's anti- Catholic. The same could be said of *any* non-Catholic religion. If you reject the Pope's claim to be the Vicar of Christ, certain things would seem to follow. But the school's "bigotry" is being denounced by liberals who have been consistently defending blasphemous works of art and homosexual sacrilege without worrying too much about "anti-Catholicism." Better an honest enemy like Bob Jones than friends like these. * * * American children have always been taught that King George III was a tyrant. Personally, I think I could endure life under a tyrant who didn't care whether I smoked, didn't limit the amount of water I could have in my toilet tank, and taxed me at a rate of less than a nickel on the dollar. Anyone in our time who demanded a return to the days of George III would be branded an "anti-government extremist." * * * Dr. Laura Schlessinger, under attack by organized gaydom as "the queen of hate radio," can take care of herself without my help; but if I were she, I'd reply: "Don't assume I hate you just because I find you disgusting. True, you claim moral parity with marriage for perversion; you deny and despise God's law as 'bigotry'; you communicate disease; you want to take away our freedom by forcing us to associate with you; and you demand the right to seduce our children. But I should hate you just for that?" * * * California voters, ignoring an intense propaganda campaign, have adopted Proposition 22, which denies recognition to homosexual "marriages." Score one for "bigotry," which now means just about any moral attitude that used to be unanimous. * * * A recent 60 MINUTES segment concerned a Jewish CIA employee who was fired on suspicion of consorting with Mossad agents; the show concerned his charge that he was the victim of anti-Semitism and "racial profiling." Far be it from me to defend the CIA, but if the Mossad is still trying to recruit Jews to betray the U.S. government, a la Jonathan Pollard, it's not the CIA but the Israelis themselves who are doing the racial profiling and who are operating on the assumption that Jews are especially corruptible. * * * Henry Kissinger, our most swinging secretary of state, once coined a famous aphorism: "Power is the ultimate aphrodisiac." If that's true, Madeleine Albright, Donna Shalala, and Janet Reno must be the three hottest babes in Washington. * * * A New York driver has been refused permission for a license plate reading "WAFFN SS." How do I know? Because the story made the front page of the NEW YORK POST, with the headline "Nazi license furor." Another close shave for civilization as we know it. * * * You've probably noticed that media reports on the murder of that Flint, Michigan, six-year-old by her classmate avoided the subject of race. As so often happens, we saw the white victim but had to infer the race of her killer. Gradually we learned that he lived in a "crack house," et cetera. Since the victim was white, nobody called the crime "racially motivated." At about the same time, a black nut in Pittsburgh fatally shot several white people with the express intention of sparing blacks, but the phrase "racially motivated" was avoided. It's not as if he were John Rocker. * * * I hate to say it, but if it's George W. or Al Gore, I'll take George W. During a debate with Bill Bradley, Gore called the Constitution a "living document." * * * In protest against the rise of Joerg Haider and the Freedom Party, I've decided to boycott Austrian economics. Progressive Hopes (pages 3 and 4) [Material exclusive to the electronic version is enclosed in square brackets.] "Once socialism is established," George Orwell predicted in the 1930s, "the rate of mechanical invention will be greatly accelerated." I read Orwell's prophecy during the 1980s and was struck by how ludicrous it seemed. After more than half a century of socialist economies (including Communist ones), not a single new invention -- not so much as a can opener -- had been produced. Socialism had only impoverished every country where it existed, and had moreover totally stifled the creative faculties. Nobody could have foreseen how bleak it would actually prove. All of which is even truer of the purest form of socialism, Communism. Even the few remaining Communists are somewhat chastened, having witnessed the repudiation of Stalin and Mao by their successors. The "New Soviet Man," the Five- Year Plan, the Great Leap Forward, the Cultural Revolution, Building a New Society -- all these old slogans sound like grimly ironic epitaphs. "I have been over into the future, and it works," burbled Lincoln Stevens, arriving home from Moscow in the 1920s. The only good news for the Commies and their fellow travelers is that they have never been called to account, a la Nuremberg, for the colossal crimes they committed, ignored, and defended. But we tend to forget how long even most anti-Communists took Communism's insane promises seriously. As we bid adieu to the twentieth century, it seems worthwhile to review not only its achievements and atrocities but its hopes. Time after time its optimistic expectations have been rendered absurd by events. A whole book keeping score of twentieth-century enthusiasms is long overdue; meanwhile, a brief account will have to suffice. Of World War I it may be enough to quote the archoptimist Woodrow Wilson's description of it as the "war to end all wars." Marshall Foch more sanely called the Versailles Treaty "a 20-year truce." The historian Harry Elmer Barnes even more prophetically spoke of "perpetual war for perpetual peace." At the 1943 Tehran Conference, the three archcynics -- Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin -- adopted Wilsonian language to promise a postwar world of eternal peace, liberty, and justice: "Emerging from these cordial conferences, we look with confidence to the day when all peoples of the world may live free lives, untouched by tyranny, and according to their varying desires and their own consciences." It's doubtful that anyone took this verbiage seriously; but by then utopian democratic jargon had become standard issue, even (or especially) for the bloodiest despots. Catholics may recall the high hopes for liturgical reform in the wake of the Second Vatican Council of 1962-65. The vernacular Mass and the relaxation of old disciplines were supposed to inspire a new piety in the laity, who were given a larger role in the rites, including the freedom to receive the Eucharist in their hands -- traditionally regarded as a desecration. The upshot, as such observers as James Hitchcock and Michael Davies noted many years ago, was precisely the reverse of what the liberals predicted and far worse than the reactionaries feared: Mass attendance immediately plummeted and tens of millions of Catholics in the United States alone have fallen away from the Church. Those who remain formally within the Church feel free to defy Catholic teaching on such matters as contraception and abortion; most no longer believe that the Eucharist is the true Body of Christ; and young Catholics are stunningly ignorant of Catholic doctrine. The general liberalization of religion has failed in the same way. The attempt to keep Christianity and Judaism au courant with contemporary fads has merely enfeebled the sense of the sacred, turning worship into thinly disguised self- indulgence. A "nonjudgmental" God is not God at all and, precisely because he needn't be obeyed, can't be adored. "If God does not exist," says Dostoyevsky's Ivan Karamazov, "everything is permitted." And a God who permits everything doesn't really exist. What's the point of calling such an entity "God"? Yet the progressive churches, by making few demands on their members, have steadily lost membership, while the reactionary churches, insisting on divine commandments, have thrived. Jews may likewise recall that the establishment of Israel was supposed to create a "homeland" where Jews would live in safety and harmony with their Arab neighbors, in a democratic, socialist, earthly -- and godless -- utopia. This too has proved a delusive hope. Israel remains dependent on the United States, bitterly at odds with neighboring countries, and in constant danger of war and terrorism. Most Jews still prefer to live in the Diaspora, and especially in the United States. Contrary to all Darwinian wisdom, the only form of Judaism that retains its vitality is the Judaism that refuses to "adapt": Orthodox Judaism. Similarly the end of European colonialism was supposed to allow African and Asian peoples, freed at last from foreign exploitation, to enjoy the fruits of self-determination. In most cases the former colonies have gone from modest contentment to wretched poverty, epidemic disease, and terrifying tyranny, with little prospect of improvement. The United Nations, advertised as "the Parliament of Man," has fallen somewhat short of expectations; the best that can be said of it is that it has been nearly impotent, serving chiefly as an arena of mutually contradictory propaganda efforts to which nobody pays much attention anymore. We can be consoled by the reflection that it must have disappointed its chief architect, Alger Hiss. The sexual revolution was heralded as offering not only new freedom but new felicity, as old taboos and inhibitions yielded to the indulgence of our healthy natural appetites. The net result has been mass misery: more divorce, disease, anxiety, heartbreak, and of course an explosion of illegitimacy, with all the crime and disorientation that come of the disruption of the family. The horror of abortion has become normalized as a "constitutional right" and an everyday occurrence; sodomy and pedophilia have been liberated; and countless souls are lost to sins that are no longer recognized as perversions. Pornography too has been normalized to the point where it is inseparable from ordinary popular entertainment. Nudity in films, which was supposed to make them more "true to life," has instead damaged them aesthetically and morally. Unbridled hedonism has brought only frustration and depression; even the clergy have been corrupted. The advocates of unbridled sexual expression predicted that releasing the erotic would diminish violence; but the reverse has happened. Lust and violence are eternal partners, and the porn culture, far from breeding a gentle eroticism, has liberated cruelty and sadism. The "new candor" hasn't banished hypocrisy; it has merely given it new forms, with hypocrites claiming to represent "honesty." "Civil rights," meaning increased state power to dictate private association, has not produced either freedom or racial equality, but only more tyranny and bitterness. Far from achieving a "color-blind" society, we now have a race-obsessed one, with a criminal "underclass" that didn't exist before. The welfare state, which promised to lift people out of poverty, has merely habituated them to it, while burdening and endangering the general population. "Affirmative action" has proved only that when you promise to impose justice for all, you leave everyone feeling aggrieved. Racial differences, whether inherent or cultural, have turned out to be stubbornly irremovable; but progressive ideology has taught us that the results of those differences are due only to "racism" and must be remedied by giving the state even more power over private relations and private property. Progressivism spoke of "eliminating" -- not merely opposing or reducing or discrediting -- such huge and amorphous conditions as poverty and prejudice. Lyndon Johnson's "War on Poverty" would end in permanent victory, a "Great Society." Johnson actually promised to abandon that war if it didn't succeed, just as the Catholic hierarchy promised to undo the post-Vatican II liturgical innovations if they didn't produce the desired results; but the Great Society programs and the Novus Ordo Mass are still with us. Futile "reforms," once established, seem as hard to eliminate as the evils they originally purported to cure. Progressive faith became obligatory, and it was heresy to doubt that the world could be radically remade. Since liberalism insisted on learning the hard way, it was fitting that many white liberal parents should be shocked to find their children fearing and hating blacks not because of ignorance and "prejudice," but as a result of their own experience in integrated schools. (By the end of the century the number of liberals with children in integrated schools had notoriously declined.) It's fascinating that even such an astringent critic of inflated utopian language as Orwell (of all people!), who would eventually create some of the darkest images of modern tyranny, should have succumbed, in his salad days, to the temptation to idealize the future. His may simply be an outstanding case of learning from one's mistakes, like other noted apostates from progressive hope: Arthur Koestler, Whittaker Chambers, James Burnham, and so many of the most penetrating debunkers of the future that was never to be. [Such men needed a special kind of courage to denounce the official illusions of the twentieth century. As the French Catholic poet Charles Peguy said near the beginning of the century: "We shall never know how many acts of cowardice have been motivated by the fear of seeming not sufficiently progressive."] "I have a dream," proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr., whose "dream" was inspired by his reading of Marx and other progressive prophets. Like countless visionaries, he was unaware of Michael Oakeshott's admonition: "The conjunction of ruling and dreaming generates tyranny." Which might serve as the epitaph for the twentieth century. Hating Ali (page 5) In one scene of Alfred Hitchcock's NORTH BY NORTHWEST, Cary Grant is in a Chicago train station where a female announcer's voice recites the stops of a departing train. They include Ypsilanti, the modest Michigan city where I grew up, all the way through college and three years of grad school. (It was 35 miles from Detroit, where I was born in 1946.) When I first saw this scene, it startled me: the mere juxtaposition of the most cosmopolitan of movie stars with the name of my home town. If anyone was a child of the media age, I was. My knowledge of the world came from movies, television, journalism, and, yes, books, though books were the least of it. I had almost zero experience of life outside Michigan. Canada and Ohio were nearby, but I rarely visited either. Even a drive to rusty old Toledo seemed like an adventure. Yet through the media I acquired an enormous amount of superficial knowledge of the outside world. The superficiality of my knowledge didn't stop me from having passionate feelings about the things and people I "knew" -- national politics, Hitchcock films, sports figures. Among the latter was Muhammad Ali. I'd never come close to meeting him in person, but I hated him like a personal enemy. I watched all his fights, hoping to see him pulverized by a right cross; it never happened, never came close to happening, until in 1971 Joe Frazier decked him with a left hook in the final round of their first fight. During the 1960s Ali seemed a subversive figure, a Black Muslim who didn't have nothing against them Vietcongs and challenged the whole system I thought of as both legitimate and threatened by the anarchy of my generation. To me he was still Cassius Clay, which he called his "slave name," while "Muhammad Ali" struck me as an absurd affectation: was he trying to pass for an Arab? I was resolutely out of step with everything the media were promoting as hip and progressive (synonyms then, and now too). Protesting the Vietnam War, favoring "social justice," and admiring Ali all went together in the ensemble of prescribed attitudes for my generation; I was against all of them. I fed on the media, my pipelines to reality, yet I resented their attempts to mold me. Looking back, I wished I'd allowed myself to savor Ali's peerless skill as a boxer. Today he seems one of the more wholesome figures of the time. The New Left may have idolized him, but as a devout Muslim he was morally conservative (if not always morally upright); and he was both right and courageous to resist the draft. It's embarrassing to recall not just how much I loathed him, but that I felt strongly about him at all. As far as I was concerned, he might have been a fictional character. I was like those silly women who write love letters to soap opera heroes. Of course Ali -- and other media celebrities -- have the same effect on millions of other people who are just as provincial as I was. It didn't help that Ali's chief media booster was the abrasive Howard Cosell, of whom Jimmy Cannon wrote the caustic last word: "His real name is Howard Cohen and he wears a toupee and he says he tells it like it is." Remember the days of telling it like it is? For me there's a touching irony in the fact that Ali now lives in retirement on a farm in Michigan, mumbling and trembling as a result of countless punches to the head. And of course we're all sentimental about him now. His old braggadoccio, so infuriating at the time, is now remembered as a jolly game he played with us -- except by Frazier, who still hates his guts for the merciless ridicule Ali heaped on him. And in Frazier's defense, it must have been no fun at all to be called "ugly," a "gorilla," and a traitor to black people. What made it so painful was that it worked: Ali succeeded in turning most black fans against Frazier. "The Greatest" wielded a very sharp needle. SPORTS ILLUSTRATED recently named Ali one of the great sportsmen of the twentieth century, but in fact, nobody did more to destroy the old standards of sportsmanship. Joking or not, his boasts and insults set us on the way to the surliness and trash-talking that are now routine not only in boxing but in other sports. There are still modest, gentlemanly, even chivalrous athletes, but they seem like throwbacks to the days of Floyd Patterson -- another of the fighters Ali humiliated, dubbing him "the rabbit" before whipping him cruelly in the ring. I like Ali so much better now than I did when he was in his prime that I somehow remember him in those days with an admiration I certainly didn't feel at the time. Even then I must have known that I was lucky to be seeing such a completely masterful athlete -- a once-in-a-lifetime performer on the Babe Ruth scale. And his zanily brave personality was part of his greatness. He was surely the greatest genius ever to score 78 on an IQ test. The Rockwell Connection (page 6) THE HOLOCAUST IN AMERICAN LIFE, by Peter Novick, published by Houghton Mifflin, is receiving warm and well merited praise for its thoughtful study of how "the Holocaust" -- a term that gained currency only long after World War II -- has become a central symbol in recent public discourse. Novick, a historian at the University of Chicago, is a liberal Jew who frankly deplores the uses to which the Holocaust has been put (instilling guilt in Jews and gentiles alike, disparaging other atrocities by comparison, justifying hard- line Israeli policies, distorting history, et cetera). One section of the book casts a surprising light on my own life. The Holocaust began to assume its present importance during the 1961 trial of Adolf Eichmann in Israel for his role in the mass murder of Jews. At the time Israel was widely criticized, even by Jews, for kidnapping Eichmann in Argentina, where he had hidden after the war, and for claiming jurisdiction in the case, since his crimes had been committed not only outside Israel, but before it came into existence. Among the most derisive critics of Israel was William Buckley's NATIONAL REVIEW, which felt that the trial could only help the Soviet Union by inspiring renewed anti-German feeling. The magazine's editorial sarcasms about Jews are startling to read today and are no doubt deeply embarrassing to Bill Buckley, who since the 1967 Arab-Israeli war has strived to ingratiate himself with Jews, especially neoconservative Zionists. My own criticisms of Israel and what Pat Buchanan called its "Amen Corner in this country" led Bill, in the later years of my service at NATIONAL REVIEW, to repudiate my writings on the subject as, if not actually anti- Semitic, at least inviting the imputation of being so. Which did my career, as the Brits say, a bit of no good. In fact, my criticisms of Israel were made from conservative principle and were no harsher than NATIONAL REVIEW's editorial positions on the subject in its early years, when James Burnham set the tone for its foreign policy views. Israel was then seen as a dubious proposition in terms of Cold War strategy, and the magazine deplored and ridiculed political pandering to the Jewish lobby. I was puzzled and hurt when Bill publicly scolded me for opinions which I believed he still shared; he expressed no real disagreement with them, publicly or privately; he merely treated them as a case of bad manners on my part. They enraged "the COMMENTARY crowd" and interfered with his attempt to curry favor with them; I could understand that much. But why was he so jumpy about the Jews? More than one observer remarked that he was acting as if he was being blackmailed. Yes, that was how he *acted;* but I had no reason to think it was really the case. One friend of his and mine said he seemed "terrified" of his own father's animosity toward the Jews, but this was no secret and he often wrote and spoke about it himself (excessively, in fact). Anyway, it wasn't something that could really be held against Bill; his father had died in 1958. But I think Novick has finally found the answer. Bill must have been anxious about his own earlier writings about Jews and Israel. And more. In a footnote at the end of the book, Novick mentions that in 1962 Bill acknowledged having paid the American Nazi George Lincoln Rockwell to promote NATIONAL REVIEW; Bill said Rockwell returned the money "promptly and amiably" when he failed to deliver. This was part of the past Bill was trying to bury, and he surely knew how it could be made to look if one of his editors spurred his new Jewish "friends" to rake through the records. But at the time I knew nothing of the Rockwell connection. I only wish I had. Bill never mentioned it to me. No doubt there were other things he didn't mention: he must have known how many more skeletons there were in that closet. Later Bill would make the rather bizarre boast that his chief contribution to the conservative movement was to rid it of anti-Semitism. I was disgusted by this posturing at the expense of other conservatives, who didn't deserve the implicit smear; in the light of his relations with Rockwell, it seems especially hypocritical for him to pretend that his ruling passion had always been anti-anti-Semitism. And yet, in his defense, it should be said that during the Cold War Bill was ready to make alliances with all sorts of people as long as they were anti-Communist, not excluding Zionist Jews like Harry Jaffa and Max Geltman. Rockwell was incidental to all this, but in the belated Holocaust mania it would have been easy to portray Bill as a Virtual Nazi -- as indeed he was often maliciously portrayed before 1967. But apparently I fell victim to his campaign to clean up his past. That campaign was one minor result of the way the Holocaust, as Novick says, has caused countless people to revise the facts of history, including their personal histories. Boxed Copy Trust your stereotype: A NEWSWEEK cover story on homosexuals' "struggle for acceptance" calls it "absurd" to say that the movement is heavily pedophilic. Oh? Then why, when conservatives are always being called on to repudiate elements of the "far right," are organized "gays" never asked to repudiate the pedophiles who always participate freely in their events? Why is lowering the age of consent a feature of the homosexual agenda? After all, even Hugh Hefner, Larry Flynt, and other hetero advocates of sexual license have never made the age of consent an issue. (page 9) Occasions of sin: It's said that a famous fundamentalist preacher sent his son to Notre Dame -- presumably to ensure that the boy wouldn't be exposed to papist doctrine. (page 11) Devil's advocate: Speaking of which, Notre Dame's liberal theologian Richard McBrien has written a book of capsule biographies of the popes, titled simply LIVES OF THE POPES. And a useful book it is, as long as you substitute the word "orthodox" whenever Fr. McBrien writes "reactionary." (page 11) True colors: George Will, who persuaded Bob Dole to run for president in 1996, now has another brainstorm: George W. Bush should take Colin Powell as his running mate. "[The] fact that [Powell] is pro-choice and favors affirmative action would help insulate Bush from certain skepticism." Better yet, it would take away any pro-lifers' excuses for supporting Bush. (page 12) Exclusive to the electronic version: Nomenclature notes: H. Rap Brown, whom you may remember as a riot-inciting black militant from the 1960s (does "Burn, baby, burn" ring a bell?), now goes by a pseudo-Arab name and has been arrested for fatally shooting a cop in Atlanta. Reporting the story, the NEW YORK TIMES describes him as a "civil rights activist." I guess that would make Bill Clinton a "selfless public servant." Not again! The Clinton Administration is under investigation over yet another batch of suspiciously missing documents. The Justice Department is trying to discover whether the White House deliberately withheld subpoenaed e-mail messages over possible fund-raising irregularities (a/k/a crimes), as well as the famous FBI files and a young intern named Monica Lewinsky. The White House says it was another honest mistake, due to a computer glitch; but several former computer contractors say Clinton aides threatened them with jail terms if they told anyone about the missing messages, many of which were addressed to Al Gore. Guess who's paying (as usual)? One of the most generous contributors to Hillary Clinton's Senate campaign, it transpires, is the unwitting American taxpayer. He's kicked in about a hundred grand to pay for her flights on military aircraft. And she doesn't have to worry about prosecution this time: as first lady, she's legally entitled to fly at public expense. Of course this privilege was created at a time when nobody dreamed that a president's wife would use it for the purpose of obtaining elective office. Laying down our arms: The Most Ethical Administration in Our Nation's History has found a new way to induce Americans to surrender their liberties. It has now bullied Smith & Wesson into agreeing to add safety features to its product by threatening the gun manufacturer with ruinous lawsuits. The rule of law is giving way to the rule of lawyers, and they just *adore* Bill Clinton (notwithstanding that he himself now faces disbarment). O tempora: Sad to see Michael Caine, normally aloof from Hollywood's depravity, collecting an Oscar for playing a lovable abortionist in THE CIDER HOUSE RULES. In one of Caine's early hits, ALFIE (1966), he played a lecher whose cynicism was exposed when he arranged an abortion for a girlfriend; even Alfie knew how ugly abortion was. Times have changed. Reprinted Columns (pages 7-12) * The Culture of Tyranny (page 7) http://www.sobran.com/columns/000203.shtml * The Fueher Furor (page 8) http://www.sobran.com/columns/000210.shtml * Hillary! and Humanity (page 9) http://www.sobran.com/columns/000215.shtml * Who Are the Snobs? (page 10) http://www.sobran.com/columns/000229.shtml * Lesser Evils (page 11) http://www.sobran.com/columns/000302.shtml * The Meaning of McCain (page 12) http://www.sobran.com/columns/000307.shtml All articles are written by Joe Sobran Copyright (c) 2000. All rights reserved. This material may not be disseminated or distributed in any way without the express permission of Griffin Internet Syndicate. It is for private use only and may not be published -- either in print or on the Internet.Those wishing to publish the newsletter or columns must obtain a publications rate, which is based on the circulation of your publication. Contact fran@griffnews.com for further details. [ENDS]