The
notorious Massachusetts court ruling
that the state legislature must, within 180 days, recognize
same-sex marriage raises all sorts of questions. One is simply whether the
legislature will allow the judiciary to dictate to it in so outrageous a
manner. It’s as if the court had handed down an ultimatum that
private property must, within 180 days, be abolished. This is no
exaggeration, for what the court has really ordered amounts not to the
extension, but the abolition, of marriage.

Another question is
whether the other states will have to accord “full faith and
credit” to marriage, Massachusetts style, as the U.S. Constitution
would seem to require. I think not. What the court said is nonsense,
because marriage has always meant a union between a man and a woman,
even in polygamous societies. If Ohio decrees that two and two make five,
or that dogs are horses, are other states required to pretend that these
propositions are true in Ohio? Sheer nonsense can only lead to chaos.

Conservatives
propose to cope with the situation by amending the U.S. Constitution to
define marriage properly. But the problem isn’t the Constitution;
it’s the judiciary.

Liberals, of course,
cherish the “independence” of the judicial branch. And up to a
point, they are right. But we are many miles beyond that point now. True,
the judiciary is supposed to be free to do its job without political
pressure; as a rule, we don’t want politicians telling judges how
they must rule in particular cases.

But there must be
general boundaries, and when judges tell elected officials what laws they
must pass, the need is acute. Judicial power isn’t supposed to be
dictatorial, any more than legislative or executive power. In fact,
Alexander Hamilton assured us that the judiciary would be “the
least dangerous” of the three. Nobody imagined that it would one day
subvert things as basic as the right to life and the nature of marriage. The
gloomiest pessimist of 1787 (or of 1965, for that matter) never dreamed
of the “activist” courts attacking the very foundations of
civilized society as they do now.

And what is being
done about it? A constitutional amendment to counteract the latest
judicial outrage has been proposed. Well, what about the next outrage?
And the one after that? Will each of them require a new amendment too?

The obvious solution
is to start impeaching justices who usurp power until the whole branch
gets the message. And maybe one new amendment is in order: one making
impeachment easier, and specifying that usurping power definitely counts
among “high crimes and misdemeanors.” But such a measure
wouldn’t command the passionate popular support of a proposal to
define marriage constitutionally.

One of our
difficulties is that public officials in our day have far outrun the
imaginations of the Framers. The “high crimes and
misdemeanors” they envisioned were relatively abstract and
decorous; they’d never conceived of a Bill Clinton in the presidency,
so the Constitution makes no provision for, say, playing around with White
House interns. It wasn’t easy to picture statesmen of the
generation of George Washington and John Adams in the embrace of Monica
Lewinsky on company time.

The judiciary, in its
way, has become as wanton as Clinton. It’s almost too
flabbergasting to deal with. Thomas Jefferson saw peril in judicial
arrogance, but not on this scale. He hated John Marshall and favored the
impeachment of Justice Salmon Chase (who was acquitted), but such men
were models of restraint compared with our modern activists of the
bench. After Chase’s acquittal, Jefferson bitterly concluded that
impeachment was nothing but a “scarecrow.”

Certainly, in our day,
the crows aren’t visibly scared. They’re merrily gobbling the
seed corn, confident that nothing will be done to them. They are unelected
and appointed for life, responsible to nobody, paying no penalty for the
abuse of power. You’d think that the nature of the problem would by
now have sunk in with angry conservatives, and that they’d come up
with a better solution than repairing the Constitution every time
it’s flagrantly violated. Is replacing your repeatedly slashed tires a
“solution” to vandalism?

When courts keep
discovering unmentioned “rights” to abortion and sodomy in
the Constitution, it’s pretty silly to assume that the Constitution
must be to blame. That’s exactly what any smart liberal would
want conservatives to assume, so that they’ll seem to validate the
liberal misreading and so that they’ll waste their time in
misdirected and futile attempts to launch the cumbersome amendment
process. In both respects, conservatives wind up wrestling against the
Constitution itself.

Conservatives have
fallen into this trap before. A few years ago, when liberals insisted that
flag-burning was protected by the First Amendment, conservatives
responded with a reflexive attempt to pass an amendment against
flag-burning. The air hadn’t exactly been thick with fumes from
incinerated stars and stripes, but that didn’t stop patriots from
seizing the bait.

If it ain’t
broke, don’t fix it. And the Constitution ain’t broke.
Black Power
The Canadian publisher Conrad Black,
now married to an English newspaper columnist and elevated to the
rank of Lord Black, is in the soup, and his stain is spreading.
Investigations of his murky and possibly criminal financial doings reveal
that he has paid conservative columnists George Will and Bill Buckley a
$25,000 per diem for showing up at his two-day seminar. Both men have
written favorably of him without mentioning their connections with him.

Black is usually
described as a conservative himself; which shows how dubious that label
has become. He is pro-war and pro-Israel, and he has just penned a huge,
laudatory biography of Franklin Roosevelt (which has enjoyed a rave
review in the allegedly conservative
Washington Times).

This scandal hardly
comes as a shock. Both columnists wear their principles lightly, though
neither would seem to be desperate for cash. (Personal note: I once turned
down an offer of $3,000 — money I could have used — to write a
purely political article for a big porn magazine.)

Well, you never know
what private bonds of affection bring these rich people together. Sweet
mystery of life! But nowadays you can no more discredit an established
“conservative spokesman” than you can defrock an Episcopal
clergyman.

And as I’ve
said so many times before, admiring Frankln Roosevelt used to be an
automatic disqualification for membership in the conservative movement.
Indeed the movement itself was largely a reaction against his legacy!
Building the welfare state, trashing the Constitution, inflating the
currency, lying us into war, chumming with Joe Stalin — these were
but a few of FDR’s myriad dubious achievements.

But, like so many
other things, including marriage, conservatism has been, in Daniel Patrick
Moynihan’s famous phrase, “defined downward.”
Perhaps FDR should also get credit for making it possible for
neoconservatives to pass for conservatives.
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Joseph Sobran