As
we enter the fourth year of the Iraq war,
President Bush, Vice President Cheney, and Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld
continue to insist that it has been a success so far, hinting broadly that we
must try this again some time soon in Iran.
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The neoconservatives
can hardly wait, and they may not have to wait long. Given what an attack on
Iran would do to the world oil market, you may want to think about
purchasing a new mode of transportation. A horse, perhaps.
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Amazing. At least
during the Vietnam War, Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon, even at their
most stubborn, never told us we needed an even wider war to go with it. One
quagmire at a time was more than enough. Few people would now quarrel with
the word quagmire to describe the current war. Bush, though,
still denies that what is happening in Iraq is a civil war.
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Nearly everyone else,
at this point, is discussing the best way to get out of Iraq and cut our losses,
instantly or gradually. Like Social Security and Medicare, this war is turning
out to be more costly than even the pessimists predicted. But once again,
nobody nobody in national politics, that is seems to want to
admit its whole premise was wrong and start over. The warfare-welfare
state is here to stay for a while longer, until it collapses of its own weight.
Bush, even more than Johnson, has seen to that.
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I once asked how
Bushs successor will clean up after the mess he is leaving. It seems I
was premature. Bush is going to have to cope with his own mess before he
leaves office. So far, he is denying that there is any mess. He refuses either
to reduce troop levels or to raise taxes to pay for his huge additions to
Medicare. Not that taxes should be raised, but he should face the fact that
he has committed us to the impossible.
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Congress has
responded by raising the national debt limit to $8 trillion, thereby passing the
cost along to future generations; this is the Republican version of socialism,
redistributing wealth from the unborn to the living.
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Republicans mocked
the licentious Bill Clinton as a child of the sixties, and so he was, but the jeer
also suits their spendthrift president, who wants to put everything on the
futures charge card. Most observers have quit asking what
Bushs political philosophy is, since he obviously has none.
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When I saw a picture
of Bush in New Orleans, using hammer and nails to repair a damaged house,
my sense of unreality peaked. I realized it was only a photo-op, as we now
say; but the idea of a wartime president pitching in with manual labor....
Perhaps we should take another look at that Constitution.
The Parties
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The Democrats would love to capitalize on Bushs floundering, foundering presidency, but they are
still having trouble getting their act together. When Sen. Russ Feingold
introduced a motion to censure Bush for his illegal domestic surveillance, but
not his conduct of the war itself, they panicked and repudiated the measure;
just as Hillary Clinton has criticized the Iraq war while suggesting that
something must be done about Iran.
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The Republicans are
similarly confused. Bushs approval ratings are just above 30%, his
lowest ever, so they want to keep a prudent distance from him, especially on
domestic spending; but they also know that his hard core of support is also
their base, so repudiating him outright is another matter. Novembers
midterm elections are coming up.
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Lines between
and within the
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two
parties have been
further confused by the ports deal, illegal immigration, and other issues that
stir unpredictable passions but fall outside traditional ideological guidelines.
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Then, once again,
there are figures like Bill Buckley, who had no sooner enraged
neoconservatives by pronouncing the Iraq war a defeat than
he sought to redeem himself by calling for a military strike against Iran.
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But at least Buckley
had raised a serious question. Even if you think a war is justified, you have to
face the consequences. Buckley thinks the war on Iraq was justified, but
says the results have turned out to be more than we can bear. This is a
mature distinction, a recognition that optimism has its limits.
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Bush and the hawks,
on the other hand, argue that because the war is justified, the results can
only be good, as long as we stay the course. In John
Kennedys now-hackneyed words, we will bear any burden, pay
any price.
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So Bush sees it as his
mission to keep up morale until victory is achieved. Unfortunately, he is not
cut out for leadership. That is becoming clearer every week.
Faith in War
Every so often, I get an abusive
letter from a reader, who is sometimes a patriot first, a Catholic second,
and a logician a distant third, along these lines: Our brave soldier are
fighting in [wherever] to protect the very freedoms, such as freedom of
speech, you cowardly peaceniks are abusing.
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Ignore the accusation
and examine the premise. This assumes that we owe our freedoms to war,
and that our wars, no matter where, defend those freedoms. It is an odd
assumption, but it has the status of an American dogma, which we are all
expected to accept as an unquestioned article of faith.
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Never mind that our
freedoms are actually won at home (as in common law and the Bill of Rights),
that wars are waged for other reasons, and that the enemy seldom if ever
aims to destroy our domestic freedoms. Was Jefferson Davis trying to
enslave the North? Was the Kaiser aiming to abolish free speech? Was
Manuel Noriega intent on preventing us from worshiping freely? Was Saddam
Hussein (or Osama bin Laden) hoping to repeal the Bill of Rights? These
questions answer themselves.
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And never mind that
our freedoms have been most seriously abridged by our own presidents
during wartime: Lincoln, Wilson, Franklin Roosevelt, and now Bush.
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Nor can I think of a
notable philosopher or theologian who has held that war has any inherent
tendency to promote personal liberty. The idea is absurd. Yes, now and then
invaders are repelled or occupiers expelled by violence, but these are
exceptional cases.
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Did our Lord ever
celebrate a war? This question answers itself too.
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The measure
of the states success is that the word anarchy frightens people,
while the word state does not
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Joseph Sobran