We have
arrived at an awful moment in history, and worse may lie ahead. And
yet it has been in the cards for a lifetime.

The most fateful
decision since, oh, the Garden of Eden was Franklin Roosevelts order
to develop the atomic bomb. This is not to blame him alone; the idea
originated with others, among them Albert Einstein, who urged the project on
Roosevelt.

It must have seemed
like a good idea at the time; with the urgency of war, it seemed vital for the
United States to get the weapon before Germany did. The idea of using it on
Japan came much later.

Only a few of the
scientists in the Manhattan Project, such as Robert Oppenheimer, seem to
have been troubled by the implications. A terrible threshold had been
crossed, irreversibly. Not only would it mean the slaughter of tens of
thousands of innocent people in the short run; it would bring an era of
endless terror afterward, as other governments acquired the same weapon.
What could prevent them? The inevitable might be delayed for a while, but
the U.S. had no monopoly or patent on the use of new discoveries in physics
to make the horrible thing.

Proliferation loomed from the beginning. But our
rulers chose to get on with the business of the day and worry about the
consequences later.

Its astounding
that the man who launched the age of nuclear terror is still venerated as a
benefactor of mankind. When will the obvious lesson sink in? Second thoughts
are at least half a century overdue.

So here we are,
weighing the option, as they say, of war on Iran, which has at least the
capability of manufacturing nuclear weapons. This wont be the last
time. The dilemma is more or less permanent.

Interestingly, in light
of all that has been written lately about the Israel lobby, the
Jewish weekly
The Forward, in an April 14 editorial, offered
the most measured, forceful, and intelligent argument I have yet seen
against attacking Iran.

Quoting European
diplomats who have called the idea and its certain results
inconceivable, completely nuts, a
catastrophe, an absolute calamity, and
unimaginable, the editorial listed some of those results:
another unwinnable quagmire, far worse than the Iraq war, chaos in Iran
itself, an explosion of global terrorism, and worldwide fury against America,
not to mention the blame that would be directed at Jewish and Zionist
influence. And all this is assuming the unlikely: that the Bush administration
would, in spite of its record, execute the attack with competence and
precision.

The world
faces terrifying choices right now, the editorial concluded. No
options are good ones. Some carry a high risk of calamity. Others carry a
certainty.

The editorial might
also have mentioned the global economic impact of war on Iran, beginning
with the world oil market. Readers who own cars may already have noticed
higher prices at the gas pump.

But there is really no
telling what the ultimate consequences might be; even those who opposed
American entry into World War II never foresaw its chief result, an era of
nuclear terror, which didnt end with the Cold War.

Finally, could the
state of Israel withstand an uncontrollable conflagration in the Mideast? In
the short run, the government (which has its own nuclear and other
high-tech weapons) probably could; but what would happen to the Jewish and
Palestinian people?

All we can be sure of
is that they wouldnt be better off; the only question is how much
worse off they would be in the long run after such a convulsion.

Wars are usually
started by optimists (I could name one) who expect easy victories and
beneficial results optimists oddly tinged with hysteria about the
enemy, that is.

They rarely turn out to be right. Should we trust them this time?
The Gracious Giant
The noted economist John Kenneth
Galbraith is dead at 97. I met him once in Switzerland, in the company of our
friend Bill Buckley; and it was immediately apparent why, in spite of their
differences, they were so fond of each
other.

This
tall liberal with the slashing wit was, in person, a kind and
gentle man, a charming giant.

Of course his opinions
were generally wrong, because they generally boiled down to the proposition
that more power should be given to the public sector, meaning
government, at the expense of the private sector, meaning
you and me. For all that, it was hard to resent a man who spoke his mind so
wittily and forced you to think. If he was a bit short on common sense
himself, he provoked it in others.

Only once did I ever
agree with him: An obituary quoted his quip that George W. Bush made him
miss Ronald Reagan. (Liberals can be funny, sometimes on purpose!)

Writing in
The Wall
Street Journal, David Henderson wrote a fine critical assessment of his
work, pinpointing its flaws without spite. One was Galbraiths tendency
to exaggerate the power of corporations and advertisers to manipulate
consumers, as witness the collapse of General Motors against foreign
competition. Like the USSR, GM turned out not to be so formidable after all.
And the public sector has turned out to be much less
competent than Galbraiths generation of liberals had dreamed it
would be.
Snows Job
Another old
acquaintance of mine, Tony Snow, has succeeded Scott McClellan as
President Bushs press secretary. The virtually unanimous early word
on him is that hell be more candid and free-wheeling than the starchy
McClellan; as a columnist and Fox News pundit, he has sometimes been
sharply critical of Bush, from a conservative angle. Bush picked him because
of, not in spite of, his relative independence. So they say. I wonder.

I should say that I
havent seen Tony for years. We used to dine occasionally with an
informal group of conservatives, and though hes a perfectly decent
fellow, I always sensed that he was anything but a maverick. He struck me as
an ambitious young family man, not a bad thing to be, but one who
wouldnt take risks by straying too far from the herd. Intelligent
enough, quick on his feet, but not exactly exciting.

Since then he has
won a fierce, nearly fatal struggle with colon cancer, so he must have iron in
his soul. Im happy for his success, even if its not the kind of
success I myself would aspire to; but I hope hell be something more
than an apologist for this sorry administration. He reportedly accepted the
job only on condition that hell be included in policy discussions, not as
a mere mouthpiece or robot.

Who knows? Maybe
hell turn his boss into something more like the conservative Bush is
wrongly accused of being.

I suspect we
hold elections so that at least some of our rulers can avoid the perils of
confirmation hearings" --
SOBRANS. If you have
not seen my monthly newsletter yet, give my office a call at 800-513-5053 and request
a free sample, or better yet, subscribe for two years for just $85. New subscribers
get two gifts with their subscription. More details can be found at the
Subscription page of my website.

Already a subscriber? Consider a gift subscription for a priest, friend, or
relative.
Joseph Sobran