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Thomas
Friedman of The New York Times writes, President Bush has
slipped in one recent poll to a 29% approval rating. Frankly, I cant
believe that. These polls cant possibly be accurate. I mean, really, ask
yourself: How could there still be 29% of the people who still approve of this
presidency?
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Indeed. Bush has
much to answer for, but we have to square his low poll ratings with the even
lower ratings Congress is getting. In a time of prosperity, the country is in a
remarkably foul mood about the way its being governed. So much for
the idea that its the economy, stupid.
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A new
Washington Post-ABC News poll finds 56% of respondents
preferring to see the Democrats controlling Congress after this
years elections.
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Bush, who once
boasted that he was a uniter, not a divider, cant seem
to unite the voters, or even the Republicans, behind him anymore; Rush
Limbaugh may talk as if Bushs critics are all liberals, but more and
more of them are angry defectors from Bushs conservative base,
upset about everything from immigration to the Iraq war to profligate
spending. Others are just people of no particular philosophy.
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Not long ago
Limbaugh was crowing that conservatism had triumphed and that the voters
had repudiated liberalism. Does he now think 71% of those voters are
liberals? Or is it that Americans would overwhelmingly prefer even liberals
with common sense to what the Republicans are giving them?
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The Republicans have
good reason to dread the coming elections; under Bushs leadership,
they have wasted all the advantages they had gained since the
Republican Revolution of 1994.
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But this
doesnt mean the Democrats inspire much enthusiasm, let alone
lasting loyalty. Their current strength is only the fact that they
arent Republicans, so they appear to offer immediate relief rather
than a permanent cure. They have no idea how to define themselves; they
can only snipe at Bush and make demagogic appeals to various discontents.
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Bushs
strategist Karl Rove is warning that a return to Democratic dominance would
be even worse than continued GOP dominance, and he may be right (especially
for those facing the danger of indictment or impeachment); but as a battle
cry, this wont do. The Republicans need a better campaign theme
than the memory of how bad their opponents used to be. The evils of the
past were bad enough; the evils of the future may be even worse; but the
evils of the present are the ones we really feel. In politics, thats what
counts.
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Still, both major
parties have colluded to eliminate real competition, so most congressional
seats may remain safe in spite of what the polls are telling us now. This is a
democracy, but one in which, after all, the will of the people is kept well
under control.
Security Matters
Bushs
comprehensive five-point plan to deal with illegal immigration
hasnt found many takers. The overwhelming public demand, voted
down in the Senate (but commanding stubborn support in the House), is that
the government secure our borders before it even thinks
about granting citizenship to those already here
or
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allowing
more guest workers to enter the
country. Conservatives are even more impassioned about this than the
general public.
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On the other hand,
businessmen want cheap labor, and Bush has always hoped, since his Texas
days, to welcome Hispanics into the Republican Party before the Democrats
can grab them all. It looks as if thats now an idle daydream.
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Bush cant
seem to get anything quite right, and fate isnt giving him any breaks.
At this point I wouldnt be surprised if one of his aides were found to
be linked to Duke Universitys lacrosse team. Its been that
kind of year.
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He took another
public-relations setback when
USA Today reported that he had
authorized the spooky National Security Agency to compile a secret superfile
of billions of phone calls in this country. He confirmed this, but insisted that
it was all legally done and scrupulously conducted; any wiretapping was
approved by court order, and only suspected terrorists were targeted.
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Even if this was all
true, it didnt dispel the feeling that Big Brother is watching us. In the
name of security, a huge and secretive government
bureaucracy unknown to the Constitution turns out to be
keeping us under surveillance without telling us. Maybe Bush and his people
are exercising this power strictly by the book (whatever book
that may be); but how can he guarantee that all his successors will do so?
With the best will in the world, he cant.
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That eerie power
already exists, we are defenseless against it, and Bushs personal
intentions are irrelevant. But he fails to grasp that the issue isnt just
whether he means well. We are at the mercy of huge state bureaucracies
never contemplated by the Founding Fathers and of authorities never
granted by the Constitution. These are part of the executive branch and,
theoretically, under the control of the president.
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But like the
Constitution itself, this is no more than a thin legal fiction.
Legacy of Distraction
A reader quite properly demands to
know whether I was ever as critical of Bill Clintons use of presidential
war powers, in Iraq and in the Balkans, as I have been of Bushs.
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Im afraid the
answer is all too seldom.
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I can explain (but not
excuse) this dereliction by recalling that war didnt seem a pressing
matter during the Clinton years; he seemed a product of the Vietnam era
who had too much sense to repeat that experience. Actually, the only part he
was averse to was the political cost of getting American soldiers killed. He
didnt mind killing foreigners with bombs and lethal economic
sanctions.
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So Clintons
ironic legacy is that he is more notorious for his lesser sins
of lust and lying than for the tens of thousands of deaths he caused. And
when he lied about the girl he sneaked into the Oval Office, his entire cabinet
vouched for his honor; but not one of them resigned when the truth came
out.
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He was like a
stage-magician who keeps you watching his right hand to distract you from what
his left hand is doing. His sins distracted us from his crimes. I fell for it along
with almost everyone else.
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At present, I
once observed, the U.S. Constitution poses no serious threat to our form of
government. I see no reason to revise this judgment
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Joseph Sobran